Thai News
Damages sought over dumpsite
Council to help villagers get compensation from owners, state agencies
The Lawyers Council will assist villagers affected by the Samut Prakan fire in filing civil and administrative lawsuits to demand compensation from the owner of the dump and five state agencies.
At least 500 households have signed a suit against the Praksa Tambon Administration Organisation president, Samut Prakan governor, provincial industry office, provincial natural and environment office, and the Pollution Control Department for neglecting to control the dumpsite and allowing it to operate without a permit.
They will also sue the owner for at least Bt100,000 in damages per person for mental distress and physical injury from the toxic smog generated by the smouldering fire.
Suwit Cheyubon, chairman of the council's environmental division, said his legal team would collect more documents and evidence to lodge a class action lawsuit on behalf of residents this week.
Some 1,900 households have submitted complaints to the Department of Special Investigation.
According to the Public Health Ministry, about 1,200 people living near the dump fire have been treated at hospitals for "pink eyes" and sore throats.
A child aged one year and eight months has recovered from a lung infection and been discharged from hospital.
Dr Namphon Danpipat, deputy provincial public health chief, said people living within 200 metres of the fire must be monitored closely for health impacts from the toxic smog. Smoke near the site was measured at 10 micrograms per cubic metre, which was regarded as a safe level.
Police Colonel Pichai Kriangwattanasiri, director of the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration's Fire and Rescue Department, said he dispatched 150 firemen, 34 fire engines and two high-pressure water cannon trucks to put out the fire at the garbage dump. It is not known what caused the fire, which broke out on the 150-rai site on March 16. People had to evacuate from nearby homes and seek shelter at the Praksa Tambon shelter.
Firemen have almost put out the blaze and believe the situation will return to normal soon.
Police Colonel Wichit Boonshinwuttikul, superintendent of Bang Pu Police, said he had already asked the dumpsite owner to report for questioning.
At least 500 households have signed a suit against the Praksa Tambon Administration Organisation president, Samut Prakan governor, provincial industry office, provincial natural and environment office, and the Pollution Control Department for neglecting to control the dumpsite and allowing it to operate without a permit.
They will also sue the owner for at least Bt100,000 in damages per person for mental distress and physical injury from the toxic smog generated by the smouldering fire.
Suwit Cheyubon, chairman of the council's environmental division, said his legal team would collect more documents and evidence to lodge a class action lawsuit on behalf of residents this week.
Some 1,900 households have submitted complaints to the Department of Special Investigation.
According to the Public Health Ministry, about 1,200 people living near the dump fire have been treated at hospitals for "pink eyes" and sore throats.
A child aged one year and eight months has recovered from a lung infection and been discharged from hospital.
Dr Namphon Danpipat, deputy provincial public health chief, said people living within 200 metres of the fire must be monitored closely for health impacts from the toxic smog. Smoke near the site was measured at 10 micrograms per cubic metre, which was regarded as a safe level.
Police Colonel Pichai Kriangwattanasiri, director of the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration's Fire and Rescue Department, said he dispatched 150 firemen, 34 fire engines and two high-pressure water cannon trucks to put out the fire at the garbage dump. It is not known what caused the fire, which broke out on the 150-rai site on March 16. People had to evacuate from nearby homes and seek shelter at the Praksa Tambon shelter.
Firemen have almost put out the blaze and believe the situation will return to normal soon.
Police Colonel Wichit Boonshinwuttikul, superintendent of Bang Pu Police, said he had already asked the dumpsite owner to report for questioning.
Can Thailand learn something from Ukraine's political protests?
s there something Thailand can learn from the Euromaidan, the ongoing political demonstration in Ukraine that has ousted President Viktor Yanukovych but is still far from achieving its ideal goal of seeing real democracy?
"Enough is enough. That's what people should learn to say to corrupt politicians," Nataliya Vernyhora, a hotel executive-turned-activist, told me without hesitation.
Five months on, with Yanukovych out of power and Russian annexation of Crimea, Independence Square in central Kiev today is still bustling with demonstrators demanding a say in how Ukrainians are governed.
They should have ended the demonstration with Yanukovych's departure but they continue to stay on because they believe that their mission is still far from accomplished.
The crisis in Crimea might have diverted the world's attention from Ukraine's domestic political problems, but the Euromaidan protesters have no intention of dispersing. Russia's annexation of Crimea has only added a new sense of urgency to the months-long protest.
Like all the other protesters at Maidan Square that I talked to, Vernyhora admitted that getting rid of Yanukovych and his corrupt band of political cohorts didn't spell an end to Ukraine's political woes.
The interim government led by Prime Minister Arseniy P Yatsenyuk, a veteran public official, has not offered much hope that Ukraine is heading for a better political future.
"We are here to make our voice heard. We want politicians to know that they cannot ignore people's wishes," said a young Ukrainian in a national guard uniform.
He had responded to the new government's call for a mobilisation of reserves and volunteers to counter Russia's military moves following the annexation of Crimea.
Angry Ukranians started pouring into Independence Square on November 21 after then president Yanukovych ditched a partnership deal with the European Union that had been years in the making in favour of seeking help from Moscow to save its sinking economy. The uprising by Ukrainians is unprecedented and some even call it a "revolution".
The pro-Moscow Yanukovych's sudden U-turn on the EU deal was the last straw. Ukranians had already been seething over what they saw as blatant abuse of power and rampant corruption.
"Bandits get out" was a rallying cry that was heard everyday at the square.
"Yanukovych was the biggest bandit of them all. He was the most corrupt leader we have ever had,'' said another protester.
"Bandits" includes members of the former president's immediate family and those in his inner circle.
The protesters cannot be blamed for believing that Yanukovych and his political henchmen were responsible for making Ukraine one of the most corrupt countries in Eastern Europe.
Transparency International put Ukraine at 144th place on its Corruption Perception Index in 2013 (far worse than Thailand, which ranked 102nd out of 177 countries).
From taxi drivers to political activists and journalists, there is this strong sentiment that corruption is the biggest problem dragging down Ukraine's economy.
Speaking to me after a press conference on Friday, Ihor Smeshko, former head of the Security Service of Ukraine and now leader of a political party that positions itself as a new alternative to the existing political establishments, said nothing had changed since the ouster of Yanukovych.
Smeshko echoed calls for Ukraine to have a system that held politicians accountable for their wrongdoings.
"What we need is a reform of the political system," he said, but admitted that nobody in power is interested in doing that because "politicians are only interested in elections" but not the interests of society.
He also stressed the need for civil society to be active in monitoring those in power.
"Only an active civil society can bring about changes," he said.
That's exactly the reason why protesters like Vernyhora still find it necessary to continue to be part of the Euromaidan movement.
She was there when the temperature was minus 20 and when snipers and thugs harassed and killed protesters.
And she is still there today, sometimes doing menial jobs like peeling potatoes and preparing food from home for fellow die-hard demonstrators.
Few at Maidan Square are aware of a similar street protest that has been going on in Bangkok. But someone who knows something about it asked me: "Have the Thai people won yet?"
The way things are, it's evident that both Thais and Ukrainians are far from achieving what they really want. Street protests may unseat governments but do not guarantee that cleaner politics and good governance is waiting on their horizon.
They have both stood up and said "enough is enough". Now they need to stay on the long journey until they are certain that their voice and their political will is respected.
Five months on, with Yanukovych out of power and Russian annexation of Crimea, Independence Square in central Kiev today is still bustling with demonstrators demanding a say in how Ukrainians are governed.
They should have ended the demonstration with Yanukovych's departure but they continue to stay on because they believe that their mission is still far from accomplished.
The crisis in Crimea might have diverted the world's attention from Ukraine's domestic political problems, but the Euromaidan protesters have no intention of dispersing. Russia's annexation of Crimea has only added a new sense of urgency to the months-long protest.
Like all the other protesters at Maidan Square that I talked to, Vernyhora admitted that getting rid of Yanukovych and his corrupt band of political cohorts didn't spell an end to Ukraine's political woes.
The interim government led by Prime Minister Arseniy P Yatsenyuk, a veteran public official, has not offered much hope that Ukraine is heading for a better political future.
"We are here to make our voice heard. We want politicians to know that they cannot ignore people's wishes," said a young Ukrainian in a national guard uniform.
He had responded to the new government's call for a mobilisation of reserves and volunteers to counter Russia's military moves following the annexation of Crimea.
Angry Ukranians started pouring into Independence Square on November 21 after then president Yanukovych ditched a partnership deal with the European Union that had been years in the making in favour of seeking help from Moscow to save its sinking economy. The uprising by Ukrainians is unprecedented and some even call it a "revolution".
The pro-Moscow Yanukovych's sudden U-turn on the EU deal was the last straw. Ukranians had already been seething over what they saw as blatant abuse of power and rampant corruption.
"Bandits get out" was a rallying cry that was heard everyday at the square.
"Yanukovych was the biggest bandit of them all. He was the most corrupt leader we have ever had,'' said another protester.
"Bandits" includes members of the former president's immediate family and those in his inner circle.
The protesters cannot be blamed for believing that Yanukovych and his political henchmen were responsible for making Ukraine one of the most corrupt countries in Eastern Europe.
Transparency International put Ukraine at 144th place on its Corruption Perception Index in 2013 (far worse than Thailand, which ranked 102nd out of 177 countries).
From taxi drivers to political activists and journalists, there is this strong sentiment that corruption is the biggest problem dragging down Ukraine's economy.
Speaking to me after a press conference on Friday, Ihor Smeshko, former head of the Security Service of Ukraine and now leader of a political party that positions itself as a new alternative to the existing political establishments, said nothing had changed since the ouster of Yanukovych.
Smeshko echoed calls for Ukraine to have a system that held politicians accountable for their wrongdoings.
"What we need is a reform of the political system," he said, but admitted that nobody in power is interested in doing that because "politicians are only interested in elections" but not the interests of society.
He also stressed the need for civil society to be active in monitoring those in power.
"Only an active civil society can bring about changes," he said.
That's exactly the reason why protesters like Vernyhora still find it necessary to continue to be part of the Euromaidan movement.
She was there when the temperature was minus 20 and when snipers and thugs harassed and killed protesters.
And she is still there today, sometimes doing menial jobs like peeling potatoes and preparing food from home for fellow die-hard demonstrators.
Few at Maidan Square are aware of a similar street protest that has been going on in Bangkok. But someone who knows something about it asked me: "Have the Thai people won yet?"
The way things are, it's evident that both Thais and Ukrainians are far from achieving what they really want. Street protests may unseat governments but do not guarantee that cleaner politics and good governance is waiting on their horizon.
They have both stood up and said "enough is enough". Now they need to stay on the long journey until they are certain that their voice and their political will is respected.
Thailand: Democrats Propose Plan to Settle Crisis
Democrats spokesman Jurin Laksanawisi said that his party has proposed a four point plan to settle the months-long crisis in the country, to the Pheu Thai caretaker administration of caretaker P.M. Yingluck Shinawatra, reports Daily News.
The first point of the proposal, said Jurin, is that Pheu Thai and Yingluck have to unconditionally respect the rulings of independent bodies, including the Constitutional Court and the National Anti Corruption Commission. Jurin added, that this pertains both past and future rulings and decisions.
The second point of the proposed plan is that Yingluck Shinawatra must lead negotiations to find solutions which are acceptable to all sides.
Yingluck has to come up with clear reform plans, said Jurin, adding that the third point is that Yingluck must refrain from abusing her position as caretaker prime minister to exacerbate the problems, such as by arresting scapegoats, aggravating charges against dissents, or ignoring warnings. The final point, said Jurin, is that Pheu Thai must adhere to Thailand’s Constitutional Monarchy.
When asked whether he believes that Pheu Thai would accept the proposal, Jurin replied that they eventually would, like they always did, although, at first they might appear to be against it; He added, that it is time that Yingluck showed leadership and made good on her words about negotiations.
Both Thailand’s Democrats and the popular pro-reform movement PDRC propose comprehensive reforms in the country that has been plagued by cycles of relative calm, corruption and nepotism, protests, crisis, and a return to relative calm for decades.
Experts in governance stress that the main problem lies within the country’s constitution. A member of parliament has to be a member of a party. The prime minister has to be a member of parliament. These two provisions of the Constitution, together, leave the door wide open to the centralization of power among an unelected party elite, regardless which party is at the helm.
A party leadership could expel an elected MP, even the Prime Minister from the party for insubordination to “the party line”. These two provisions also leave the country’s doors wide open to nepotism and to corruption say constitutional experts and experts in governance.
Constitution Court voids Feb 2 election
The Constitution Court has voted 6-3 to nullify the Feb 2 general election, meaning a new election will have to be held...
A Constitution Court staff member hands out copies of the ruling to the media. KRIT PROMSAKA NA SAKOLNAKORN....
PDRC reform forums are useful, but more inclusive debate is still needed
After more than three months of street protests demanding reforms before an election, the anti-government People's Democratic Reform Committee held the last of six forums last Friday to seek a consensus on key reform topics.
This was a step forward for the PDRC as they're now discussing something tangible and not just making empty demands. However, the whole process is still in its inception stage with many issues raised not certain to be finally adopted and the reform talks much less participatory and more centrally directed than the process ideally should be.
It is also unclear as to when the PDRC can truly come up with concrete reform proposals, as the first round of reform discussion touched on six topics ranging from police reform, electoral-political reform and judicial reform to bureaucratic reform that are still inconclusive and in the exploratory stage. Some key topics of interest to others such as education, the army and the controversial lese majeste law were not even included.
While the pro-government red shirts are definitely not part of the PDRC reform process, ordinary PDRC supporters also had very limited scope to participate and direct the reform agenda. All guest speakers and moderators were selected by the PDRC leadership to frame the discussion and make proposals, while ordinary PDRC supporters had to compete for a limited time slot of three minutes per person to air their views.
It is encouraging however that some guest speakers such as Theerapat Serirangan, chairman of the Political Development Council and a former cabinet member under the junta-appointed Surayud Chulanont administration, stressed the need for a national referendum to endorse key reform issues including a directly elected prime minister.
Nevertheless, the PDRC leadership unwaveringly insisted on pushing reform through an unelected government that would replace the incumbent caretaker Yingluck Shinawatra administration - a move that would definitely meet opposition by pro-government supporters and lead to doubts over its feasibility.
Although the reform process was limited to supporters of the PDRC, some of the issues raised overlapped with concerns voiced by members of opposing groups such as the pro-government red shirts.
Ideas floated at the forum such as locally elected governors replacing centrally appointed governors enjoyed wide support among the so-called progressive red-shirt wing, particularly the Midnight University community of scholars based in Chiang Mai. So might be the idea of a directly elected prime minister.
It's unlikely that the red shirts would support reform of the police since it is seen as a dependable arm of the current administration with close ties to ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra. At the PDRC session on police reform, suggestions were made to decentralise the force and place police under the authority of the governor of each province.
The issue of ensuring that government officials do not end up becoming "slaves" to politicians, as proposed during one PDRC session, is also expected to be controversial with many red shirts supporting the idea of citizens exercising sovereign power through politicians, who should be the bosses of government officials. The PDRC wants less political control over government officials, however, and this boils down to very starkly different visions of politics between PDRC supporters and red shirts.
While PDRC leaders and supporters are deeply distrustful of elected politicians and spent hours during the six days of the reform forum to deliberate ways to lessen the unchecked power of politicians, the red shirts want to ensure that supreme power rests in the hands of elected politicians and not unelected bureaucrats and independent organisations under the constitution, which they see as a threat to the electoral power of citizens.
The conflicting reality of "one country, two visions for the future of Thailand" is unlikely to be resolved peacefully as long as both sides refuse to sit at the same table to discuss how they would like to see the country shaped in the years to come.
It is also unclear as to when the PDRC can truly come up with concrete reform proposals, as the first round of reform discussion touched on six topics ranging from police reform, electoral-political reform and judicial reform to bureaucratic reform that are still inconclusive and in the exploratory stage. Some key topics of interest to others such as education, the army and the controversial lese majeste law were not even included.
While the pro-government red shirts are definitely not part of the PDRC reform process, ordinary PDRC supporters also had very limited scope to participate and direct the reform agenda. All guest speakers and moderators were selected by the PDRC leadership to frame the discussion and make proposals, while ordinary PDRC supporters had to compete for a limited time slot of three minutes per person to air their views.
It is encouraging however that some guest speakers such as Theerapat Serirangan, chairman of the Political Development Council and a former cabinet member under the junta-appointed Surayud Chulanont administration, stressed the need for a national referendum to endorse key reform issues including a directly elected prime minister.
Nevertheless, the PDRC leadership unwaveringly insisted on pushing reform through an unelected government that would replace the incumbent caretaker Yingluck Shinawatra administration - a move that would definitely meet opposition by pro-government supporters and lead to doubts over its feasibility.
Although the reform process was limited to supporters of the PDRC, some of the issues raised overlapped with concerns voiced by members of opposing groups such as the pro-government red shirts.
Ideas floated at the forum such as locally elected governors replacing centrally appointed governors enjoyed wide support among the so-called progressive red-shirt wing, particularly the Midnight University community of scholars based in Chiang Mai. So might be the idea of a directly elected prime minister.
It's unlikely that the red shirts would support reform of the police since it is seen as a dependable arm of the current administration with close ties to ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra. At the PDRC session on police reform, suggestions were made to decentralise the force and place police under the authority of the governor of each province.
The issue of ensuring that government officials do not end up becoming "slaves" to politicians, as proposed during one PDRC session, is also expected to be controversial with many red shirts supporting the idea of citizens exercising sovereign power through politicians, who should be the bosses of government officials. The PDRC wants less political control over government officials, however, and this boils down to very starkly different visions of politics between PDRC supporters and red shirts.
While PDRC leaders and supporters are deeply distrustful of elected politicians and spent hours during the six days of the reform forum to deliberate ways to lessen the unchecked power of politicians, the red shirts want to ensure that supreme power rests in the hands of elected politicians and not unelected bureaucrats and independent organisations under the constitution, which they see as a threat to the electoral power of citizens.
The conflicting reality of "one country, two visions for the future of Thailand" is unlikely to be resolved peacefully as long as both sides refuse to sit at the same table to discuss how they would like to see the country shaped in the years to come.
PDRC guard admitted that they are armed: please take note
A former PDRC guard who worked for Suthep Thaugsuban recently admitted that all guards are armed. A man with connections to the red shirts recently reported being captured and tortured for days by PDRC guards and then tied up and blindfolded before being thrown into the river.
Yet JC Wilcox (letters, March 9) again reminds us that the anti-government protest movement is "unarmed" and "non-violent"!
I must seriously ask Mr Wilcox this: On what planet do you live on and why do you have such a problem with truth and reality.
Eric Bahrt
Pattaya
I must seriously ask Mr Wilcox this: On what planet do you live on and why do you have such a problem with truth and reality.
Eric Bahrt
Pattaya
Blasts 'may be political'
Police investigate grenade attacks, boost security for key figures
Police are investigating whether recent violence in Chiang Mai, Bangkok and Chon Buri is related to the political conflict.
Police have stepped up security for certain independent agencies and courts, as well as at the homes of certain important figures and judges following recent violent attacks, according to Royal Thai Police deputy spokesman Pol Maj-General Anucha Romayanant.
Grenades were fired and thrown at locations linked to agencies and officials dealing with cases against government politicians.
A police meeting yesterday, chaired by deputy national police chief Pol General Aek Angsananont, agreed to the need to heighten patrols around those locations in order to prevent more attacks by "people with ill intentions who want to create some incident", the spokesman said.
The focus would be on the risky areas within a 400-metre radius around those places, he said, adding that police checkpoints have been set up in some areas.
Police also would ensure that security cameras and bomb-disposal personnel would be ready for action in case they are needed.
A distance of 400 metres is within the effective range of grenades fired from an M79 launcher, which has become the weapon of choice for the perpetrators in attacks over recent years.
Three separate violent incidents involving grenades occurred in the northern city of Chiang Mai on Friday night, leaving four people injured - one of them seriously, according to police.
In the eastern seaboard province of Chon Buri, two grenades were fired into a building that houses the Bang Sai administrative organisation's office at about 9.30pm on Friday. Part of the building and two cars parked inside were damaged. There were no reports of injuries.
Police said the intended target of the attack could be the nearby rally site of the anti-government protesters linked to the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC). The rally had attracted about 2,000 people when the attack occurred.
PDRC local leader Kantapon Sukhumalin said it was lucky that the grenades fell short of the rally site, otherwise there could have been many injuries.
Separately, two home-made bombs planted in a car exploded early yesterday in front of a house in Lak Si in Bangkok. The car had been parked there for four days.
The explosions, which set the car ablaze, took place at about 5am outside the house of a senior Royal Thai Air Force officer, who police said had no involvement with the ongoing political conflict.
Pol Colonel Kamthorn Uicharoen, from the police's Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit, said the bombs were put in cooking-gas cylinders and the way they were assembled was similar to one found recently outside the Attorney-General's Office.
In Chiang Mai, a string of grenade blasts on Friday night came just hours after the Constitutional Court nullified the February 2 general election - a ruling that angered government supporters.
The targets of attacks were a seafood restaurant, a petrol station and a brewery that has faced criticism because of its members of the owner's family have links with anti-government protesters.
Four people were wounded but were out of danger yesterday and had returned home, Chiang Mai provincial police commander Grit Gitilue said. "We established two possible motives for the attacks - personal conflict or politics. We are giving more weight to the second one," he said, adding that no suspects had been arrested.
Police have stepped up security for certain independent agencies and courts, as well as at the homes of certain important figures and judges following recent violent attacks, according to Royal Thai Police deputy spokesman Pol Maj-General Anucha Romayanant.
Grenades were fired and thrown at locations linked to agencies and officials dealing with cases against government politicians.
A police meeting yesterday, chaired by deputy national police chief Pol General Aek Angsananont, agreed to the need to heighten patrols around those locations in order to prevent more attacks by "people with ill intentions who want to create some incident", the spokesman said.
The focus would be on the risky areas within a 400-metre radius around those places, he said, adding that police checkpoints have been set up in some areas.
Police also would ensure that security cameras and bomb-disposal personnel would be ready for action in case they are needed.
A distance of 400 metres is within the effective range of grenades fired from an M79 launcher, which has become the weapon of choice for the perpetrators in attacks over recent years.
Three separate violent incidents involving grenades occurred in the northern city of Chiang Mai on Friday night, leaving four people injured - one of them seriously, according to police.
In the eastern seaboard province of Chon Buri, two grenades were fired into a building that houses the Bang Sai administrative organisation's office at about 9.30pm on Friday. Part of the building and two cars parked inside were damaged. There were no reports of injuries.
Police said the intended target of the attack could be the nearby rally site of the anti-government protesters linked to the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC). The rally had attracted about 2,000 people when the attack occurred.
PDRC local leader Kantapon Sukhumalin said it was lucky that the grenades fell short of the rally site, otherwise there could have been many injuries.
Separately, two home-made bombs planted in a car exploded early yesterday in front of a house in Lak Si in Bangkok. The car had been parked there for four days.
The explosions, which set the car ablaze, took place at about 5am outside the house of a senior Royal Thai Air Force officer, who police said had no involvement with the ongoing political conflict.
Pol Colonel Kamthorn Uicharoen, from the police's Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit, said the bombs were put in cooking-gas cylinders and the way they were assembled was similar to one found recently outside the Attorney-General's Office.
In Chiang Mai, a string of grenade blasts on Friday night came just hours after the Constitutional Court nullified the February 2 general election - a ruling that angered government supporters.
The targets of attacks were a seafood restaurant, a petrol station and a brewery that has faced criticism because of its members of the owner's family have links with anti-government protesters.
Four people were wounded but were out of danger yesterday and had returned home, Chiang Mai provincial police commander Grit Gitilue said. "We established two possible motives for the attacks - personal conflict or politics. We are giving more weight to the second one," he said, adding that no suspects had been arrested.
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